<p><strong>Migration experiences and perceptions of domestic violence among Bangladeshi women living in the U.S. </strong></p><p> </p><p> </p><p> </p><p>Selina S Sikder</p><p> </p><p> </p><p>TABLE OF CONTENTS</p><p> </p><p> </p><p> </p><p>List of Illustrations                                                                                                     vi</p><p> </p><p>List of Maps Bangladesh                                                                                                                    vii</p><p> </p><p> </p><p><strong>Introduction   </strong>                                                                                                            1</p><p> </p><p><strong>Geopolitical and cultural background of Bangladeshi immigrants</strong>                   10</p><ul><li><em>Geopolitical location</em></li></ul><ol><ol><li><em>Bangladeshis migration to the U.S.:</em>                                                                    </li></ol></ol><ul><li><em>First wave of migration from Bengal</em>                                                               </li></ul><ul><li><em>Second wave of migration from Bengal </em><em>                                                             </em></li></ul><ol><ol><li><em>Third wave of migration from Bengal</em>                                                              </li></ol></ol><ul><li><em>Gender ratio and women on the move:</em>                                                             </li></ul><ol><li><em>The Bangladeshi cultural border on the move</em>:                                                  </li></ol><p> </p><p> </p><p><strong>Method </strong>                                                                                                                      14</p><ol><li><em>Overview of the research Design </em></li><li><em>Participants </em></li><li><em>Sampling </em></li><li><em>Instruments: Data Analysis </em></li><li><em>Demography of the participants </em></li></ol><p> </p><p><strong>Literature Review                                                                                                    </strong>50</p><p><strong>Findings on family, culture, and patriarchy</strong></p><p><em>Traditional family practices </em></p><p><em>Patriarchal cultural practices </em></p><p><em>Family honor, shame, fear and violence </em></p><p> </p><p><strong>Findings on trend of domestic violence in Bangladesh and in the U.S. </strong></p><p><em>Physical and sexual violence </em></p><p><em>Economic deprivation </em></p><p><em>Isolation as a violence </em></p><p><em>Violence in psychological sphere </em></p><p><strong> </strong></p><p><strong>Findings on immigration and marital status</strong></p><p><em>Migration as family dependent and powerlessness </em></p><p><em>I</em><em>mmigration and marital status, and vulnerability </em></p><p><em>Domestic violence and Immigration Policy </em></p><p> </p><p><strong>Findings on community buildings and movement for social change </strong></p><p><em>Help seeking behavior</em></p><p><em>Organization and Social movement</em></p><p><em>Alternative community support </em></p><p><strong>Mig</strong><strong>ration and Empowerment</strong></p><p> </p><p> </p><p><strong>Findings </strong></p><p>                                                                                                                        75</p><p>Life in Bangladesh before migration:</p><p>Migration and vulnerability:</p><p> </p><p>Nature of domestic violence:</p><p>Scenario of domestic violence in Bangladesh:</p><p>Societal view on domestic violence:</p><p>Domestic violence is taboo or not:</p><p>Perception of domestic violence</p><p>Factors influence the perception:</p><p>Cultural/religious influence:</p><p> </p><p>Findings from free association:</p><p>The community thought:</p><p>Prevention Resources and empowerment:</p><p> </p><p><strong>Discussion </strong></p><p>Influence of place in women’s migration</p><p>Migration experience in the western sphere</p><p> </p><p>Perception of domestic violence</p><p>Trend of domestic violence</p><p>Influential factors on the perception</p><p> </p><p>Patriarchal norms and its cultural sphere</p><p>Reporting behavior of women</p><p>Societal space for single women .</p><p>Traditional dependent mentality of women:</p><p>Dependent immigration status and consequences</p><p>Socio-economic status of women:</p><p>Societal stand vs domestic violence</p><p>Empowerment as social change</p><p> </p><p> </p><p><strong>Conclusion and Recommendation                                                                           </strong>99</p><p> </p><p>Notes (if using this format)                                                                                         99</p><p> </p><p>Appendixes (if used)                                                                                                 105</p><p> </p><p>Bibliography                                                                                                               150</p><p> </p><p> </p><p> </p><p> </p><p> </p><p> </p><p><strong> </strong></p><p><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p> </p><p>The purpose of this study is to explore the migration experiences of Bangladeshi migrant women and their perceptions of domestic violence in the United States. I used qualitative research methods and in-depth ethnographic interviews as the technique to collect data. The findings showed that Bangladeshi immigrant women believe domestic violence exists all over the world, and the experience of domestic violence in their lives does not change depending on their migration. The practices of strong patriarchal norms are consistent with religious values in Bangladeshi families and have led to the perpetuation of the belief that domestic violence is a private matter, even in their immigration. Thus, violence transforms its intimate appearance depending on the context. Findings show that women’s economic empowerment is the key to eliminating domestic violence from their lives.  </p><p><strong> </strong></p><p><strong> </strong></p><p><strong> </strong></p><p><strong> </strong></p><p><strong> </strong></p><p><strong> </strong></p><p><strong> </strong></p><p><strong> </strong></p><p><strong> </strong></p><p><strong> </strong></p><p><strong>Introduction </strong></p><p> </p><p>Parveen and I were college friends from Bangladesh. When I migrated from Bangladesh I did not know that Parveen got married to someone who had been living in United States. When she got married she migrated to the United States. After many years in 2012 I found her again through another class friend. She lives in same town where I visited for an open house for my second master’s program at Clark University. I can remember an interesting conversation with Parveen. I invited her to a brief lunch in a food court after attending the open house. She drove me to the campus since she had a car and had enough free time. In a moment, Parveen’s face became a little gloomy. Parveen said to me - "give me a minute, I am getting back to you." I heard her call someone and say "I wanna offer lunch to her." I thought “is she asking for permission? Does marriage limit womens’ economic decision making ability to spend few dollars even when they migrate to the U.S.?” I watched her face change color when she received permission to offer me lunch. She bloomed with smiles. Then we got into her car. She was driving. I was watching Parveen drive and listening to her talk about how she is doing here in the U.S. I asked her "How are you passing time nowadays?" She replied -"Well, my everyday routine is almost the same: drop my children at the school, cleaning, washing, cooking and waiting for Hussain [husband] to come home and so and so.” I asked - "is that you want to do in your life?" Parveen looked at the side mirror, yield to check corner side, and made a turn. Then she looked at me for a second, smiled, and said - "No! I was very excited to come to America, do my Master’s and doctoral degree here. I wanted to work as a faculty at a university, instruct the new generation, and start a beautiful life full of freedom and fun."</p><p>I asked - "Then what makes you stop?" From her description, I sensed that she gave up her desire for freedom and substituted in-laws control in her life for love. Like Parveen, many Bangladeshi women even now involve themselves in the sense of responsibility of a dedicated wife and dutiful mother. (Rahim, 2000). To keep peace at home, they are hesitant to speak about their abuse (Rahim, 2000). In a study researchers found that many South Asian immigrant women were accepting their traditional roles as wife and daughter-in-law (Ahmad et al. 2004).</p><p>Parveen asked me about my former husband - "What was the reason? Why did you leave him?"</p><p>I replied - "the reason was how my partner and I viewed ourselves, our life and relations. Our definitions of marriage were not the same. He wanted a subordinate at home and I wanted democracy in my own home. I prefer to live with friends and family instead of living with a boss." Many survivors gradually find a way to stop the violence at their home without compromising with the abuse. Each individual woman’s effort to eliminate intimate aggression has powered the mutual movement against domestic violence (Dasgupta 2000a, 174). My interaction with Parveen was similar to many conversations I had with Bangladeshi women and the views they shared with me. All this exchange of ideas within the community in the U.S., inspired me to explore Bangladeshi womens’ migration experiences and how they identify violence in family settings within their communities.</p><p><strong> </strong></p><p>I first immigrated to the United States in 2003. After three years of living here, one day a news item attracted my attention. The news stated that Shabbir Mahmud, a 46-year-old Bangladeshi man, stabbed his 35-year-old sleeping wife, Meherun “Mita” Nessa also from Bangladesh to death while their three children watched this horror at their home in Ontario. Mahmud received a 12 year sentence for second-degree murder. Friends stated that Mita was unhappy in her marriage and wanted to return home to Bangladesh (Toranto Sun, 2008). The incident first shocked me and then made me curious about the Bangladeshi community in the U.S. What is the relationship between migration, marriage, and domestic violence in the Bangladeshi community in the U.S.? I tried to understand the meaning of migration, Bangladeshi women’s cultural norms, how they construct and negotiate their identity in the U.S., how the migration experience influences Bengali womens’ views, and how they manage the situation when their relationship encounters variance, when they have conflicts of interests in their marriage and cannot play expected spousal roles. Anecdotal evidence has indicated that violence is a significant problem within the community (Dasgupta, 2000b). Though there is a gap in the literature on Bangladeshi womens’ migration experience and their perception on domestic violence.</p><p> </p><p>A decade ago, about half of the world’s international migrants represented 90 million women (Zlotnik, 2003). More women are increasingly significant as international migrants. The complex relationship between migration and human development operates in gender differentiated ways (Ghosh, 2009). Many women who migrate find themselves at risk of gender-based violence both at home and in public sphere. Domestic violence is a major public health concern and a human rights matter in the migration (Amanor-Boadu, et al. 2012). The patterns of migration in the United States call for an investigation of intimate violence within immigrant families (Denham et al., 2007; Erez & Hartley, 2003). Prevalence of intimate partner violence (IPV) has been found higher to be among immigrant women than native women (Menjívar & Salcido, 2002; Raj & Silverman, 2002). Bangladeshi men were the primary immigrants like other South Asians, women move to the immigrant community later on as their dependents (Dasgupta 2000a, 175). Research on violence among immigrants are now a step behind research on the mainstream population (Menjívar & Salcido, 2002; Raj & Silverman, 2002). There is increasing awareness in international development field of research to move forward for women’s empowerment in migration for positive social change.</p><p> </p><p>Original data is drawn from an ethnographic study of various communities of Bangladeshi women living in Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, New York, New Jersey, Washington DC, Virginia, Illinois, Texas, and Florida. Based on interviews with twelve Bangladeshi women, I explore what occurs in the Bangladeshi community in terms of power and liberty.Research within my own community is a difficult task. A study showed, sometimes a community may think the insider-researcher knows all and therefore does not discuss common themes (Fabos, 2001, 270). As an insider of the community, prior to data collection I assumed that when the participants found that I was their familiar acquaintance from a mutual network, they may feel shy in sharing their thoughts. My accessibility in the Bangladeshi community is a significant strength to this research. Since there is not much literature on this specific topic of the community, this paper will contribute to a body of literature of migration experience and the perception of domestic violence within the Bangladeshi community in the U.S. Domestic violence is a crucial barrier that hampers development and bring complications in the livelihood of the community. As a Bangladeshi immigrant in the U.S., I would like to see a crimeless, stable, and healthy community. The intended audience of this research includes the Bangladeshi community, social workers, counselors and mental health professionals as well as students and researchers in the U.S.</p><p> </p><p>The finding of this study shows the pattern of domestic violence varies in the countries where Bangladeshi women migrate. The severity of domestic violence depends on the socioeconomic status of the women and their attitude towards it. In western countries like the U.S., Bangladeshi women are aware of the legal support that is offered, but many of them are less likely to disclose their struggles, regardless of whether or not the woman or spouse has a degree from a higher education institution or is self-educated. Despite the fact that a strong legal system in the United States assists women to get help when they experience intimate violence, violence transforms its appearance and takes various shapes depending on geographical location, cultural space and law of the host country. Therefore, women’s economic empowerment is the primary and most the significant element to eliminate domestic violence from their lives.</p><p> </p><p>(Note: I borrow the concept of space and place from a book by Jordan-Bychkov, Domosh, Rowntree, 1994).</p><p> </p><p><strong> </strong></p><p><strong>Geopolitical and cultural background of Bangladeshi immigrants </strong></p><p><em> </em></p><p><em>Geopolitical location:</em> Bangladesh is situated between India and Myanmar. According to a 1996 national estimate, with an area of 55,598 square miles. Bangladesh has a population of more than 152 million. The borders of present-day Bangladesh were established during the British-partition of Bengal and India in 1947, when the region became East Pakistan, a part of the newly formed state of Pakistan (UNDP website). Before the India and Pakistan partition Bangladesh was known as East Bengal. While Bangladesh only gained its independence in 1971, the area it occupies has a long cultural history. Originally known as Bengal, the region around the Bay of Bengal has been settled since the first centuries of the Christian era and has a recorded history of over two millennia. The earliest inhabitants of the region were of mixed Mongoloid, Austric, and Dravidian heritage (Schaefer, 2008.132).</p><p> </p><p>            </p><p>Map Source: Google</p><p><em> </em></p><p><em> </em></p><p><em>Bangladeshis on the move to the U.S.:</em> South Asian immigrants from India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh are the fastest growing immigrant group in the United States with a population of nearly 3 million (Islam and et al. 2010 in Karasz, Patel, Kabita, Shimu2013, 429). According to the U.S. census for 2000, there are more than 40,000 Bangladeshi immigrants residing in this country (U.S.census.gov). The history of international migration from Bengal since 1900s shows that three major waves are there to the United States.</p><p><em> </em></p><p><em>First wave of migration from Bengal</em> (1920s and 1930s): Literature on Bengali migration to the US shows that in the 1920s and 1930s, a small number of Bengalis jumped from ship in Detroit and Michigan port cities (Siddiqui, 2004). At that time they identified as Indian Bengali or East Bengali.</p><p><em> </em></p><p><em>Second wave of migration from Bengal </em>(1960s): Migration patterns changed significantly in the U.S. from Bengal during the 1960s. In that decade, the U.S. invited skilled and professional Bengalis to entry to the U.S.. (Siddiqui, 2004). The United States opened the family reunification program for first wave migrants. During the period they identified as East Pakistani.</p><p><em> </em></p><p><em>Third wave of migration from Bengal</em> (1970s, 1980s and 1990s): In respect to the U.S., since the 1990s, new opportunities for migration under immigration lottery OP-1 (Opportunity Visa) and DV (Diversity Visa) opened up. At that time they identified as Bangladeshis.</p><p> </p><p>Among them two distinct Bangladeshi groups of migrants are found inthe U.S. Early migrants were mostly illiterate. Types of job and social status are essentially determined by their educational status. They represented landless peasantry and all of them were male. They were employed as shopkeepers and security guards. The nature of Bangladeshi migration to the U.S. during the second wave is significantly different. Professionals and skilled migrants dominated the second wave of migration. Students started arriving in the U.S. in the 1960s. A large number of students, after finishing their studies, did not return to what was then called East Pakistan. Rather, they chose to reside in the U.S. by changing their immigration status from student to permanent residents. According to the 1986 immigration data, 61% of the Bangladeshi aliens who adjusted to the permanent resident status were students (Siddiqui, 2004). By the year 1992, it was estimated that 90% of the total population of Bangladeshi immigrants were professionals (Malik 1996 in Siddiqui, 2004). However, one must remember that people who migrated up to 1971 from the territory that now comprises Bangladesh, were not counted here. Up to 1947, they were counted as Asian Indian and during the period from 1947 to 1971, they were counted as Pakistanis. Since the 1990s, Bangladeshis have been entering the U.S. also under ‘Opportunity Visa’ (OP-1 1990-91) and Diversity Visa (DV 1995-96). They have settled in big cities, such as New York, Boston, Dallas, Houston, Newark, and Jersey City. These new immigrants prefer to live in cities where they have relatives or acquaintances. They find jobs in small businesses such as gas stations, restaurants, small construction companies, small stores, security companies, and car services including driving taxis.</p><p><em> </em></p><p><em>Gender ratio and women on the move:</em> The gender ratio for the total number of Bangladeshis in the United States in 1980 was 65% men and 35% women. Among those who came before 1959, the ratio was 83% men and 17% women. Among those arriving from 1975 to 1980, the ratio was 60% men and 40% women. Among the new entrants in 1990s, the ratio is again 65% men and 35% women. Before 2003, there was Bangladesh government restrictions and bans on unskilled and semiskilled women migration. So women move through unofficial channels (Mohammad Sikder.2008, 258).</p><p><em> </em></p><p><em>The Bangladeshi cultural border on the move</em>: Bangladesh founded as a secular country. Though religion is an important part in the private life of Bangladeshis. People of all faiths perform their religious rituals. Some elements of religion, particularly festivals, such as Eids, Pujas, Christmas, and Bouddha Purnima have become an integral part of overall Bangladeshi cultural life. In the receiving countries, one sees the formation of associations based on religion. By far, the Muslim migrants constitute the overwhelming majority of the East Bengals. Mosques, as institutions, play an important role in the lives of some migrants. A number of mosques have been established in New York and various committees have been formed to manage these mosques. One also finds branches of other types of spiritual organizations such as the Maizbhandari Gausia Committee in the U.S. (Siddiqui, 2004). Which is only rooted in Bangladesh. Bangladeshi Muslim and Hindu communities possess a certain national-cultural identity that is different from the Indian national identity. It is for this reason that the Bangladeshi Hindu community, though small in number, forms its own association to perform Puja and other religious festivals. Bangladesh Puja Samity of the U.S. is an example of such an organization. The United Bengali Lutheran Church Committee, on the other hand, is a joint initiative of Bengali Christians of Bangladesh and India.</p><p>Apart from the religious distinctive organization, there are other cultural associations in the U.S., some of which are connected with that and some of which are independent. There are cultural organizations such as the Federation of Bangladesh Association of North America (FOBANA) and many other small cultural organizations which have been developed according to different geographical locations and ethnic groups. The associations and media not only provide these migrants with the opportunity to enjoy a vibrant cultural life, but also, they serve as important sources of information. They have helped the immigrants to develop their Bangladeshi identity in new countries of residence (Siddiqui, 2004). The above mentioned cultural practice of Bangladeshi indicates that, the history of language movement in 1942 and liberation war in 1971 brought a unique identity and pride for Bengali nation. Bangladeshi people distinguished themselves from other South Asians. Regardless of religion identity of Muslim, Hindus, Buddhist and Christian they identify and bordered themselves as “brave Bengali” with the symbol of “royal Bengal tiger”. Since classical Bengali nation have been going through one after another a political identity transformation as an Indian Bengali [till 1946], then East Pakistani [1947 – 1970] at last Bangladeshi [1971 – now] (Khan 1985,31), as a result, in one hand, some researchers consider Bangladeshi as a relatively new diaspora in U.S., on the other hand, for convenience of research while sample size is small some researchers based on anthropological earliest inhabitants of the region consider South Asian people as one sample population that contains Bangladeshi as well. Therefore, for the theoretical framework of the study when I felt there are not enough literature on Bangladeshis, I reviewed literature on South Asian immigrants.</p><p> </p><p> </p><p> </p><p> </p><p><strong>Methods</strong></p><p><em>Overview of the research Design: </em>A qualitative design was used for this research. A qualitative ethnographic in-depth interview was employed as the best method for this research. Depending on the situation, conversations were held both in Bengali and English. I used digital recorder to record the interviews with their permission. And then conversation transcribed into English for the convenience of my analysis. Prior to data collection, the requisite Institutional Review Board (IRB) approval process was completed. I reviewed other documents and literatures of the related field.</p><p> </p><p><em>Participants: </em>The target population for this study is defined as first-generation Bangladeshi women living in the U.S. A total of fourteen women (n = 14) agreed to participate in the study; however, twelve women (n = 12) have been interviewed. Two of the women were unable to participate. Their ages ranged from 20 to 65.</p><p> </p><p><em>Sampling: </em>As sampling strategies I used snowballing and purposeful sampling. I contacted potential participants primarily in person, sometimes through friends and family members, and through social networks. I selected my participants regardless of marital, professional, economic or immigration status or religious affiliation. Women’s participation in this study was voluntary. Participants were required to be over the age of 18 years and to have resided in the U.S. for two years or more.</p><p> </p><p><em>Instruments: </em>The interviews were semi-structured, with a basic set of themes and questions, but also open-ended in order to permit some flexibility (see appendix). My motive was to collect rich data that is why I kept the flexibility. The interviews were held for approximately one hour over telephone or Skype. I contacted and scheduled times with the participants based on their availability. Transcriptions of the data collection started right after the first interview. During the data collection process, if I become confused about the information the interviewee gave, I tried to clarify it with her at the end of the interview in order to maintain accuracy.</p><p> </p><p><em>Data Analysis: </em>I coded and analyzed the data through pen and pencil method. Information was clustered based on common themes and subthemes. The process is grounded in theory. My unit of analysis was Individual Bangladeshi migrant women living in the U.S. The data collection started in May 2014. The timeline for finishing the research was Aug 1, 2014. There was no degree of control in this research. It was a naturalistic inquiry. I used inductive reasoning for data analysis. There was no hypothesis in this study. I am interested in following the patterns of the data. For this, inductive approach is the best.</p><p>This study dealt with human subjects and sensitive information. I prepared myself through Clark University IRB and used informed consent form. This consent form ensured the voluntary participation of the research participants with their full knowledge of relevant risk and benefits. It gave the participants full information that might reasonably influence their willingness to participate in the research. I maintained confidentiality and privacy.</p><p><em>Demography of the participants: </em>A total of twelve participants (N = 12) were interviewed. The average age of the participants was 35. The lowest age of the participants was 30 and the highest was 60. The study involved women who had been living in the U.S. for at least two years. Women lived in the U.S. on average of eight years. Nine of the participants have children. Nine of the women migrated in order to join their husband, one joined her father, and two came with a student visa. Eight women are now the U.S. citizens, three are in the H4 visa category, and one is a resident. The married women have three children on average. All of the married women are living with their husbands. One woman is unmarried. All of the women have degrees from higher educational institutions of their home country. Five women have higher degrees from the U.S. universities. They all are able to communicate in English. However, only four out of twelve women have professional jobs, one of whom came with the DV lottery and the other three came on student visas. The rest of the women joined their husbands. Eight women are working outside of their homes and are economically independent. Four women are not engaged in any economic activity. One woman is a widow.</p><p>Research participants who shared their valuable thoughts throughout data collection discussion and jointly produced knowledge to understand the perception of domestic violence in Bangladeshi migrant women’s life. Among them some are as follows -</p><p>Shaheena, a thirty-five-year old woman, came to the U.S. after her arranged marriage. She did her undergrad from Bangladesh. Having two kids, she is living in the U.S. since twelve years. She is working at home.</p><p>Zebunnesa has been living in the U.S. since last eighteen years with two children. She came to the U.S. after her marriage at the age of twenty two. She has a bachelor degree from Bangladesh. She thinks, women faces domestic violence in her life because of her socio-economic status, religious and cultural practices. She said, “women face economic suppression and domestic violence first in parents’ family, but they do not tell it anyone, just because our society thinks domestic violence only happen in husbands’ house.”</p><p>Nadeera a thirty-one-year old woman, came with her father and other siblings and living in the U.S. since fourteen years, thinks that women’s economic dependency make their life vulnerable to domestic violence whether it is parents family or husbands family. She suggests women definitely should have economic empowerment to overcome her vulnerability. She thinks women has more access to work in the U.S. than any other developing countries and hence migration to western society is good for women’s economic empowerment. Nadeera had undergrad and graduate degree from an Engineering school.</p><p>Hazera a forty-six-year old woman has been living in the U.S. since fifteen years with two daughters. She first came with F1 VISA and then got married a Bangladeshi man living in the U.S. She is enjoying economic freedom throughout her life. She sees domestic violence in migrated elderly people and husbands’ life in the U.S. Her thoughts and experiences was quite different than other participants.</p><p>Shefali, a thirty-six-year-old woman pursuing for her PhD, came the U.S. after her marriage, though came with her F1 (student) visa. Her husband is pursuing his postdoctoral research in the U.S. They have a six-year-old son. She has experience of living in three western countries. She thinks that domestic violence among Bangladeshi women living in their migration is as same as they have in their home country. She also thinks women’s sufferings is documented and disclosed in their home country, while it has hard to know in abroad.</p><p>There are eight more participants shared their thoughts and experiences, and in this research process together we build our knowledge. We shall see more details in the finding section about participants’ perception on domestic violence.</p><p><strong>Literature Review </strong></p><p><em>Movement, Power, and Liberty: Common experience but various background </em></p><p>International migration is an anthropological phenomenon that influences people worldwide. Two percent of the current world population are migrants, where half are women. The reports show in some countries, women migrants are an overwhelming majority (Erez & Nawal, 2003, UNHCR report). Migration can worsen the vulnerability of women. In many cases, migration makes women dependent upon their intimate partners, sponsors, ethnic communities, or extended family members. Women who move as independent migrants also face gender-based violence in both host and sending countries (Jolly and Reeves, 2005). According to Dobas and Dobas The concept has been used in a broad, comprehensive manner to encompass all sort of verbal abuse, intimidation, psychological pressure, bullying, physical harassment, homicide, sexual assault, and rape; a long list of orientations, acts, and behaviors has been referred to as violence against women (Dobas and Dobas, 1998, 4). However, most people commonly connect it with abuse that manifests between adults involved in an intimate relationship. The term "domestic violence" simply refers to all forms of violence in the home or in intimate setting. It can include physical, sexual, and psychological abuse or intimidation as well as economic repression (Corcoran & Mclamed, 1996; Kempe, 1997). Experts believe these acts are perpetuated to achieve power and control over family members (APA, 1996). Though the range of these acts go beyond the family. Each domestic violence practice is an embryo of a gigantic war (Zorica Marsevic, Ed. Walter and Rycenga 2001, 44). The United Nations recognized domestic violence as a crime (Recommendation 19, CDEW in 1992, Morgaine, 2007). Violence against women has been recognized as a special risk for immigrant or refugee women (Erez and Nawal, 2003; Denham et al., 2007). In the 1948 United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Article 5 states, "No one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment." However, recent research in the U.S. has confirmed that violence against women is one of the most common victimizations experienced by immigrants (Davis and Erez 1998; Erez and Nawal, 2003, 156). There are a number of different perspectives regarding migrant women and domestic violence in pertinent literature. Some try to find out how it is related to the socio-cultural practices that migrants bring with them from the country of origin. Some scholars work on how migrant women's abusive situation is exacerbated by the receiving country’s immigration and domestic laws. Some of the articles show how people who migrated with poor economic or educational background often have a high risk of facing domestic violence. Some literature looks into the link between migration and women empowerment. I reviewed different scholars' literary works in the following section. These describe theoretical frameworks. It’s difficult to identifying the underlying causes of domestic violence. Experts have different opinions. Thus there are several different and overlapping theories regarding causation of domestic violence (Chornesky, 2000, Wolfe and Jaffe 1999, 134). These theories can be clustered within these categories: - 1) biological, 2) individual psychopathology, 3) couple and family interactions, 4) social learning and development, 5) societal structure, 6) commonalities across causation theories (Wolfe and Jaffe 1999, 134).   Among these the societal structural theory is commonly used. Most of the literature on immigrant Bangladeshi and South Asian women can be categorized by the societal structural causation theory. According to the societal structural theory domestic violence is caused by an underlying power imbalance that can be understood only by examining society as a whole. This analysis focuses on patriarchy or male domination over women and children through physical, economical, and political control (Wolf and Jaffe.1999, 135). The major themes of all this reviewed literature are; family relations and domestic violence, nature of domestic violence in Bangladesh and in the U.S. among Bangladeshis, marital and immigration status, as well as immigrants, community buildings and transnational movements for social change.</p><p> </p><p><strong>Findings on family, culture, and patriarchy</strong></p><p> </p><p>A recent research work showed, the suppression of women’s rights and their abuse by the current patriarchal norms of South Asian society has no religious or cultural basis (Shankar, Das, and Atwal 2013). For a long time Bangladeshi Muslim women did not have divorce rights within marriage. Though in present-day women can exercise their divorce right, but in practice it is not so easy as man’s right in Bangladesh (Zaman, 1999). A woman seek a divorce has to go through complicated long legal procedures after divorce, and suffers social stigma and often overwhelming difficulties to earn for a living. Domestic violence in South Asian American communities still a less discussed but widespread problem (Abraham, 2000). It is a social problem that creates physical and psychological health hazards, unhealthy family environment, and an aggressive societal atmosphere, that ultimately contaminate political action and nature. Since it has a deeply rooted connection with socio-cultural practices of violence.Another study showed that in human relations violence is rooted in institutionalized inequalities of status, rights, and power, not only between the sexes (Menjivar 2002, 121). So when Bangladeshi women face domestic violence in the U.S., it is important to look into it and inquire into the root causes. It is not such that there is no domestic violence, gender gap, economic inequality among men and women in the other communities of the U.S. People viewed violence as a cultural product performed by individuals located in different cultural context (Dobash and Dobash, 1998, 4).</p><p> </p><p><strong>Discriminatory traditional family practices: </strong>A study showed that Bangladeshi homemaker women are conventionally treated as outcasts foreigner in their in-laws’ house. After marriage many women’s movement have been becoming limited within the family (Mandelbaum 1988 in Karasz, Patel, Kabita, and Shimu.2013, 430). Some of these women have been raised in oppressive patriarchal family environments for generations and therefore do not see themselves as oppressed, a condition referred to by as internalized oppression (Mulally, 2009)<strong>. </strong>The literature shows that Bangladeshi migrant women face violence abroad in the socio-cultural and economic contexts. This is sometimes triggered by a lack of education, language skills, economic resources, or lack of strong community support (Rianon and Shelton 2003, 37). South Asian women do not like to break their family ties since they have pressure to uphold these relationships for the well-being of their children, their parents’ social prestige, or in order to avoid the social stigma that divorced women often face. More, their vulnerability gets worse when the immigration policies of the receiving states are not supportive for the women. Many Bangladeshi women even now involve themselves in the sense of responsibility of a dedicated wife and dutiful mother. Many South Asian immigrant women were accepting their traditional roles as wife and daughter-in-law in the U.S. (Ahmad et al. 2004). As peacekeepers women are hesitant to speak about their abuse (Rahim, 2000).  </p><p> </p><p><strong>Patriarchal cultural practices:</strong> From end to end patriarchy subordinates women by existing social norms and values in Bangladesh. This system allows men to dominate on women within own families and allows men control over the productive resources. As a result, traditional values under strong patriarchy tend to trigger, dictate, and provoke different forms of violence against women in Bangladesh(Hossain and Sumon, 2013)<strong>. </strong>A study shows men’s dominance in some Asian families was an issue, especially when men saw control over their wives as an important way to protect their cultural values and traditions. The study shows that some women experienced extreme risk of abuse and violence at the family level when they attempted to find paid jobs or solve their financial dependency issues (Tse, 2005). A study found that Bangladeshi men perceive women as their property. Such thought causes spousal abuse in the U.S. (Rainon and Shelton 2003, 38). The researcher found in another study that one of the barriers in preventing family violence in Asian communities is that people think that families are private matters. They should not discuss about it with outsiders (Hossain and Sumon, 2013). Women’s desires to keep their relationship intact prevent reporting or seeking help. This research found that the cultural beliefs and practices in Asian communities that people bring from their home country causes violence against women. For instance, masculinity, which is sometimes expressed by aggressive character or controlling behavior of men over women, causes women’s suffering in a family setting in among the immigrants. Traditional Asian societies think that women are brought up to serve men, and to be obedient and submissive. However, men who face violence in domestic settings had the frustration due to economic dependency on wives and they thought economic dependency took out their control over wives and it is a threat to a balanced family relationship. Religious misinterpretation in some societies such as India, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka, causes some of the family violence revealed in the findings (Tse, 2005). Interpersonal violence are not simply the result of individuals’ behaviors, but are the product of inequalities that are institutionalized in the legal system and justified through a host of frameworks, such as religion, ideology, and history (Bourgois 2001 in Manjivar.2002, 131). It is called ethno-gender perspective that posits an ethnic/gender interaction, because focusing on gender alone excludes cultural distinctions in gender relations as well as majority/minority group distinctions in ethnic relations, in explaining the social problem of marital violence. Although gender role stereotypes oppress women under patriarchy, especially recent immigrant women, experience dual subordination based on their gender and their ethnicity (Abraham, 1995).</p><p><strong> </strong></p><p><strong>Family honor, shame, fear and violence:</strong> To save the honor of the family from shame is a priority to the South Asian women, which deters them from reporting domestic violence. The South Asian culture obliges women not to share violence they face, since it is a family matter, which usually heightens their vulnerability to abuse (Narayan 1995, 107). Shame, embarrassment and fear in Bangladeshi women, are other factors that may inhibit women from disclosing abuse to others. Fear of rejection by the community can also take a toll. A study found, South Asian communitieshave a tendency to ostracize women who try to separate from their partner or are open about domestic violence perpetrated by their partner (Ayyub, 2000). Strong ties between family members may not help women avoid victimization of violence (Wright and Benson.2010, 496). A study on Mexican women found that strong family ties actually promoted traditional gender norms that foster violence against women (Agoff, Herrera, and Castro. 2007).</p><p> </p><p><strong>Findings on trend of domestic violence in Bangladesh and in the U.S. </strong></p><p>Women in Bangladesh are not a uniform group in all aspects. Like other society they represent high, middle and low income social status. They belong to various cultural, religious and ethnic backgrounds. They are also recognized by their location and lifestyle, like rural and urban. Women constitute half of the population in Bangladesh. Various indicators found that the status of women is much lower than men. (Farouk 2005, 1)Same study collected a violence trend against women in Bangladesh from the monitoring cell on violence against women of the police department. According to this study major trends of violence against women in Bangladesh are torture for dowry, acid throwing, rape, murder after rape, murder, hurt, and other form of violence (Farouk 2005, 5). The study did not explain according to Bangladeshi police what the other forms of violence are. Other studies added physical torture, harassment, humiliation, eve tease in the category (Begum, 2005, Hossain, Imam and Khair 2001). In Bangladesh, domestic violence means physical torture, marital rape, physical abuse, and harassment. The root causes of violence are economical and family norms. For instance, dowry, micro finance loan, child marriage, forced marriage, and establish authority on wives. Due to a patriarchal culture and lack of women empowerment, domestic violence by men against women is a common phenomenon both in rural and urban areas of Bangladesh. Dowry-related violence is sometimes ends in murder by their husband and in-laws, which is common in rural areas among very young women. Violation of reproductive rights is also very common in Bangladesh. Women who are victims of domestic violence do not only suffer from health related complications, but also, they suffer from low self-esteem, feeling of isolation and powerlessness, and often suffer from a sense of guilt. As a result, these females who are victims of domestic violence are twelve times more likely to attempt suicide than those who do not experience such violence.In rural Bangladesh, ways women's social and economic environments may influence their risk of domestic violence(Bates, Schuler, Islam, and Islam. 2004). A study showed that the Muslim dominant patriarchal society, the customs and values are largely male-dominated and women’s position, prestige, power, etc., are generally determined and dominated by males (Hossain and Rashid 2013). Accordingly, males’ attitude towards females is important and does not generally give equal treatment to the female counterparts. The study argued that the violence against women is largely embedded in gender norms. It reveals that the women hold a low status in every sphere of livelihood like economic, social, cultural, and political that increases the scope for men to violation of basic rights of women in Bangladesh. (McMillan 2007, Reilly2009, Hossain and Sumon 2013). Violence against women is generally the result of unequal position in wealth, power, status, and prestige between men and women according to the norms of patriarchy. Scholars reflected on the cultural practices of less reporting behavior due to fear or embarrassment that causes from the social stigma. Which eventually increases women’s vulnerability. However, the limitations of the legal definition of violence in Bangladesh may contribute to violence against women. Scholars mentioned that power struggle causes violence in the name of religious doctrines in rural areas of the country (Bates, Schuler, Islam, and Islam. 2004, McMillan 2007, Reilly 2009, Hossain and Sumon 2013).</p><p>A study found that first and second generation immigrants’ violence levels were significantly lower than third generation immigrants’ violence levels in the U.S. (Sampson et al. 2005).</p><p><strong>Physical and sexual violence: </strong>Some studies report high rates of physical abuse among groups of women, reaching 60 percent or more in selected populations in Latin America, Asia, and Africa (Wright and Benson, 2010; Menjívar and Olivia, 2002). A study estimate the lifetime prevalence of physical and sexual victimization from husbands among a national sample of Bangladeshi women. It found that intimate partner violence (IPV) is extremely prevalent and often relates to unwanted pregnancy and higher rates of pregnancy loss or termination, particularly miscarriages, among Bangladeshi women. They also tried to uncover associations of unwanted pregnancy and experiences of husband violence, and associations of miscarriage, induced abortion, and fetal death/stillbirth and such victimization. The finding showed that three out of four (75.6%) Bangladeshi women experienced violence from husbands. Comparatively less educated, poorer, and Muslim women were at the greatest risk of IPV. Women who experience violence from their husbands were more likely to report both unwanted pregnancy and a pregnancy loss in the form of miscarriage, induced abortion, or stillbirth (Silverman et al. 2007, 1).A study also showed that research participants older than 20 years were more likely to experience physical violence in the absence of sexual violence, while women younger than the age of 30 years were more likely to experience both physical and sexual violence (Silverman et al., 2007).Women with lower educational attainment and who occupy the lowest wealth quintile were more likely to experience victimization of all forms of IPV with the exception of sexual IPV in the absence of physical violence. The rate of IPV (both physical and sexual) was more prevalent among the Muslim community than the Hindu community in the samples. Moreover, married Bangladeshi women victimized by their husbands were slightly less than twice as likely to report a miscarriage as the most recent form of pregnancy termination or loss than non-abused women. The current findings confirmed that violence against women by their husbands is a common occurrence in Bangladesh, affecting the health of tens of millions of adolescent and adult women. The authors also found that violence against women represents a health and human rights concern of the highest level in Bangladesh and elsewhere, and greater resources must be dedicated to prevent such abuse based both on its pervasiveness and on the potential of such prevention efforts to reduce the significant health and social costs associated with large numbers of additional unwanted pregnancies and losses of pregnancy.</p><p><strong> </strong></p><p><strong>Economic deprivation:</strong> There is a strong connection between economic dependence and the serious abuse (Michael and Linda, 1983). The component of economic abuse recognize as violence that has been defined as make or attempt to make an individual financially dependent by maintaining total control over financial resources, withhold one’s access to money, or forbid one’s attendance at school or employment (Pallet 2011, 40). However, access in economic activity does not end domestic violence in womens’ life in Bangladesh. A study on microfinance and domestic violence found that women have not full control to use their credit. Husbands exploit their micro financial accessibility without taking repay responsibility. As a result it increases domestic violence in women’s life (Khondker and Basudeb 2010, 13). A recent demographic study confirms that social outcome of microcredit is domestic violence in womens’ life (Bajracharya and Amin 2013, 1843). On the other hand, women with dependent immigration status are often more economically dependent on their spouses than wives who are native to the U.S. (Narayan 1995, 109). A recent research shows Bangladeshi women face an unusual economic cause of stress in the U.S. (Karasz, Patel, Kabita, and Shimu 2013, 430). Women experiencing violence have been reported that they emotionally involved with and economically dependent on their victimizer. In this situation it’s difficult to disclose their experiences and go to seek support alone (Dobash, Dobash 2000).</p><p><strong> </strong></p><p><strong>Isolation as a violence: </strong>In their new home abroad, women are often isolated from support networks, cultural norms are frequently imposed in harsher ways<strong>, </strong>while her familial duties may be more demanding due to a nuclear family structure (Kabeer, 2000). The researcher found, among South Asian immigrant families a significant form of marital abuse is isolation. It adds itself to the invisibility immigrant women experience, based on their ethnic-gender status in the United States. A research on abused South Asian immigrant women explained three different levels of isolation. The first level involves the quality of a woman's relationship with her spouse. The second is linked to the frequency and quality of social interaction with friends, relatives and coworkers. The third is explained in terms of the level of access to and participation in the cultural community and other conventional institutions (Abraham.2000. Abstract). In studies of violence, have been stressed that social isolation constitutes an important risk factor linked to gender violence (Heise, 1998; Krug, Dahlberg, Mercy, Zwi, & Lozano, 2002 in Agoff, Herrera, and Castro 2007, 1206). Isolation may help to grow violence, when a woman finds herself obliged by the very dynamics of spousal violence to withdraw from other relationships, violence may also contribute to its perpetuation in time. A study found a connection between social-isolation and the domestic violence in women’s life. A study argued that international migration seems to foster isolation that breeds more intimate violence no matter where a woman lives (Walker, 1999).</p><p> </p><p><strong>Violence in psychological sphere: </strong>A study showed that psychological abuse of South Asian women is more prevalent than other forms of abuse (Adam, 2001). Other studies show that psychological abuse and manipulation among women varies in the male control South Asian families, however, it is there (Raj & Silverman, 2002, Bui 2003, Mahapatra 2008). A study found, South Asian communitieshave a tendency to ostracize women who try to separate from their partner or are open about domestic violence perpetrated by their partner (Ayyub, 2000). If someone has experienced traumatic event like domestic violence they might start to experience anxiety or depression. Those who have experienced domestic violence firsthand would usually experience some form of mental stress (Comer, 2006). Post-Traumatic-Stress-Disorder (PTSD) caused by domestic violence in which the person feels their life or the life of someone they care about is being threatened (Comer, 2006). Those that experience domestic violence are more likely to develop PTSD in order to examine the relationship between the two women that have multiple experiences of violence in their life heighten their chances of being diagnosed with Posttraumatic Stress Disorder. The type of abuse and the amount of time it was experienced can influence the severity of the PTSD symptoms. (Jones, Hughes, & Unterstaller, 2001). Rober et al. studied the effects of domestic violence on the mental state of women. The study found, women who have experienced any form of intimate abuse throughout their life have significantly more diagnoses of psychological disorders. (Roberts, Lawrence, Williams, and Raphael 1998). A study examined the relation with mental health problems and domestic violence among migrant women, which showed that domestic violence and other forms of violence against women are substantial and widespread. They found that domestic violence is a major precipitating factor for suicide. Ethnic minorities, immigrants, and refugee women are at a higher risk for suicidal behavior (Colucci and Montesinos 2013, 81 - 88). In a study South Asian immigrant women mentioned that they experienced violence in home with children, husbands, and older people. The intergenerational gap causes conflict in many migrant families that is a primary factor causing acculturative stress. The culture that the parents want to introduce to their children creates another conflict which they see far different from what they get in schools (Samuel, 2009). This situation ultimately brings significant conflict in domestic settings in immigrants’ lives.</p><p> </p><p><strong>Findings on immigration and marital status</strong></p><p><strong>Migration as family dependent and powerlessness: </strong>Like other South Asians,Bangladeshi women entered the country as men’s dependents: wives, daughters, mothers, and sisters (Dasgupta 2000,175; Siddiqui, 2004; Mohammad Sikder.2008, 258).All the research participants of a study joined their husbands in the U.S. (Larance and Malik 2001, 33). Similar to the findings from other researches the women participated in a study on Bangladeshi women at Huston also followed their spouses in the immigration process (Rianon and Shelton.2003.42).The victims of domestic violence at the victim's services agency in Jackson Heights, Queens, and 90% were immigrants (Narayan 1995, 106). What works behind it? Studies show, women from South Asia have to satisfy their parents since it is a family prestige to uphold the U.S. immigration and an active marital state. To obtain legal documents, many women do not talk about their abusive relationship, since they are pressured from both their parents and husband’s families, as well as the community to uphold a ‘successful marriage’ (Narayan 1995, 106). These migrant women often face powerlessness in foreign contexts that is composed by both racism and the genderism. If these women formulate a common platform against the cultural prejudice and sexist practice they encounter in their immigrant communities that may reduce their vulnerability level to domestic violence. However, many women from South Asian countries have been migrating to the U.S. to join their husbands, their ability to acquire citizenship or legal permanent resident ship (LPR) status is depends on the good-will of their husbands and on the survival of their marriages (Narayan 1995, 106). The American Medical Association reported that one in three women is assaulted by a domestic partner in her lifetime in the U.S. and the estimated rate of abused immigrant women seem considerably higher. 77 percent of women with dependent immigrant status are violence abused (Anderson 1993, 9). Bangladeshi women face domestic violence at two settings in their lives. Married women face domestic violence at in-laws house and domestic helpers faces it from almost all the members of a family (Hossain and Rashid, 2013).</p><p> </p><p><strong>I</strong><strong>mmigration and marital status, and vulnerability: </strong>Though the incidence of domestic violence in the U.S. is alarming, the frequency among immigrant women is significantly higher (Narayan, 1995). A study analyzed why is immigrant [non-citizens] women facing higher risks of domestic violence than women who are citizens in the U.S. Finding showed that immigrant women are dependent on their marriage for legal status in the U.S. Women who face domestic violence sometimes cannot get help from the state because of the country’s legal barriers (Narayan, 1995). Another study found that individuals with partner-dependent visas were more likely to suffer physical and sexual violence from their husband than those with other immigration status (Raj at al 2005). A recent study revealed that the experiences of immigrant women in domestic violence situations are often exacerbated by their specific position as immigrants (Kelkar 2012). Others examine the interconnections between domestic violence and immigration laws in the U.S., which focuses on certain family law issues, such as marriage, divorce, and custody as transnational legal issues. Immigrant victims of domestic violence face an additional set of legal problems due to their immigrant status (Prabhat 2007, 11). It is a trend that many South Asian husbands intimidate their wives, since more than one legal jurisdiction is applicable to immigrants, and family laws may create unjust situations for immigrant women. Batterers may take advantage of such inequities. For example, a husband could acquire a unilateral divorce from the home country or send the wife back on a one-way trip home, thereby abandoned her. On the other hand, when women want to escape from an abusive relationship, she has to think about her legal status. Immigration laws require that couples remain married for a certain number of years in order to be legally recognized. This requirement, along with others, is to show that the marriage is real and not a created one, only to obtain legal status (Manjivar and Salcido, 2002). Another study explained The Uniform Divorce Recognition Act [UDRA], a law passed in the U.S. in 1948 in which foreign "bilateral" divorce decrees, rendered upon the physical presence of the petitioning spouse in the divorcing nation and the voluntary appearance of the defendant spouse in the proceedings through an attorney, are not usually accorded domestic recognition (Prabhat 2007, 12). Thus, this kind of law makes it extremely difficult for women to get a divorce from an abusive husband.The U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Act (INA) in 1952, which made it mandatory for the legal resident spouse to cooperate in the process of obtaining lawful status for the alien spouse. Abusive husbands used this Act as a weapon for exercising control. Moreover, the Immigration Marriage Fraud Amendment of 1986 to check fraudulent marriages wanted the spouses living in the same house for at least two years that prove their marriage exist and the spouse would grant legal or permanent green card in the presence of the original green card holder (Prabhat 2007, 13). Thus, in many cases, women continued in extremely abusive marriages in order to receive their green card. The researchers also report that immigrant women may be exposed to immigration-related abuses. The scholars agreed with some research work that besides the common forms of violence, immigrant women are exposed to immigration-related violence such as threats to get deported and be separated from their children. The authors suggested that culturally-sensitive research work on different communities may help understand the scope and causes of violence against women, which in turn may lead to more effective preventive and intervention efforts (Colucci and Montesinos, 2013).</p><p><strong>Domestic violence and Immigration Policy: </strong>A study of domestic violence among immigrant women in Arozona found that even when women seek social service assistance, their legal status makes it difficult to obtain help (Salcido, 2000). A study focuses on the legal barrier of the U.S. government’s law to protect the immigrant women's rights. The study criticizes elements of current U.S. immigration policy that are detrimental to the welfare of battered immigrant women, and argues for changes that would make immigration policy more sensitive to their plight. (Prabhat, 2007). On the other hand, the U.S. citizenship and immigration services are aware about newly immigrants’ vulnerability and probability of incident of intimate partner abuse. Therefore under U.S. law any crime victim, regardless of immigration or citizenship status, can call the police for help or obtain a protection order. More, the international marriage broker regulation act of 2005 (IMBRA) requires that the U.S. government provide foreign fiancé(e)s and spouses their legal rights information, as well as criminal or domestic violence histories of their U.S. citizen spouses prior to their immigration to the U.S.(USCIS website).</p><p> </p><p><strong>Findings on community buildings and movement for social change </strong></p><p><strong> Help seeking behavior: </strong>Many studies showed that Bangladeshi women tend to report domestic violence infrequently (Abraham 2000, and Raj and Silverman 2002; Shankar, Das, Atwal and Sabrina, 2013)<strong>. </strong>Another research indicates that people tend to underreport behavior that is stigmatizing (Tourangeau and Yan, 2007).The majority of the immigrants handled problematic situations by sharing with family and friends while some mentioned about getting professional help from organizations. The rate of first generation’s seeking organizational help is rare due to lack of trust, since counselors are outsiders. Confidentiality also matters to the immigrant women (Samuel, 2009). The initial immigration experience of landing in a new country and experiencing nostalgia is itself unsettling and disconcerting (Samuel, 2009).</p><p> </p><p><strong>Organization and Social movement: </strong>There are more than 30 domestic violence organizations are working in the U.S. to stop violence against women in South Asian American community. The number of organization show both the frequency of violence and the level of awareness followed by activism among South Asian women (Abraham2000; Dasgupta and Warrier1996; Rudruppa, 2004, 18). These organizations are growing social movement that ultimately spreading a vigorous bigger movement to end violence against women (Abraham1995, 450-451). A study examines the reasons of these organization’s footings and implication in the U.S. The findings show South Asian ethnic minority women may seek a space to address the complex issues as a victim of marital violence. South Asian Women Organization (SAWO) provides various forms of support, like psychological, social, legal and economic. The main goal of these organizations are to empower South Asian women by moving them from silence to speech. By engaging dialogue within and between South Asians these organizations create a larger movement in the United States, that contribute to the larger movement in the struggle against the violence performed on women (Abraham, 1996, 450 - 466). When the community organizations cannot deal the immigrant women's problem in a highly professional way, the women may face further problems with their abusive experiences. Another study examined South Asian American women caregivers in two domestic violence organizations. These are two support groups for South Asian female survivors of abuse living in the U.S. The caregivers of the organizations were second generation South Asian American, who were dedicated to intra-racial gender justice; they hoped to transform gender paradigms in their own immigrant communities into more egalitarian norms. This research remarked that these organizations play a key role in addressing immigrant women’s issues since American feminists have failed to address South Asian Women’s challenges (Rudrappa 2004, 591).</p><p><strong>Alternative community support: </strong>Scholars found a strong community can be a great place for immigrants to share experience and to get help. A recent research finding demonstrates that social tie